How Campaign Finance Reform is Killing the Kerry Campaign
You remember that George Bush signed the McCain-Feingold bill in the dead of night, with no ceremony, no video tape. He should have had a big party. McCain-Feingold is killing John Kerry’s chances to become president.
Bush signed the bill largely to remove a stick from the hands of the elite media, who intended to beat him up with the issue throughout the 2002 political season. Though campaign finance reform never scored in the top ten voter concerns, and it was an issue for only seven percent of the population, apparently that seven percent all worked for the alphabet networks and the New York Times.
Imagine a world in which there were no limitations on political donations, whether to party or to candidate. Imagine a world in which all interested persons could coordinate their efforts for or against candidates or issues without oversight or limitation. Imagine a world in which anyone or any group could use any forum at any time, spending whatever resources they had, to advance any political thought, agenda or person they chose. Imagine a world in which factions multiplied and used all means, personal and electronic, cheap and extravagant, to persuade, cajole, inform and propagandize. The only regulation is that, whoever you are, you must disclose where you get your funding. You would be imagining, I think, the world that the First Amendment was supposed to protect, and, woefully, a world that has been bastardized almost beyond recognition.
Welcome to the world of McCain-Feingold.
We would all be a lot better off if we took seriously the law of unintended consequences, but that would require humility, a trait notably lacking in lawmakers. All Senate Democrats voted for the bill, except John Breaux and Ben Nelson. Those Democrats, who, a couple of months ago were chortling at the power of George Soros and the 527’s can’t be very happy today.
The reason of course is the SwiftVets. As a 527, the SwiftVets group can not coordinate with the Bush campaign as a matter of law, and is independent of the Republican Party. In a world unsullied by campaign finance reform, all actions of the SwiftVets would be imputed to the candidate and the party, and rightly so, since George Bush could tell them to knock it off, and they would have to listen. Bush would have to condemn them in uncompromising terms, and he would have to do so convincingly. Not to do so would involve George Bush personally, and the Republican Party generally, in an alleged smear campaign against a thrice-wounded, bronze and silver star bedecked, Lincolnesque war hero. The serious charges involving Kerry would likely get short shrift. But, because of the law, George Bush and his campaign can have nothing whatsoever to do with the SwiftVets, and he is undoubtedly privately gratified with that.
Without McCain-Feingold, I think it is unlikely, certainly unlikelier, that Christmas in Cambodia would ever have come to light. And without Christmas in Cambodia, we would not have Alston-gate, gun-running, the magic hat, and the goodies that are yet to emerge in the next two months. The MSM never would have come up with these scandals themselves; indeed they can not bestir themselves to cover them now.
I abhor the McCain-Feingold law, by the way, since I think it is offensive to the heart of the First Amendment, and perfectly typifies the smarty-pants elitism and self-aggrandizement of the political class and the media, who think themselves so superior to the people. But on this occasion I thank Senator McCain for his devoted service to the re-election campaign of George W. Bush. It’s working!